The dust has finally settled on the outcome of the past few weeks. President-elect Donald Trump won both the popular vote and the electoral college vote–by larger margins than many Democrats had hoped. Hundreds of journalists, reporters, and X users type away at their keyboards right now, coming up with explanations for why the Harris campaign failed or why the Trump campaign succeeded. Some will scapegoat minority voters. Others will point out the rightward swing in exit polling as an indicator of increasing fascism in America–though many will fail to prescribe methods to counter the rise of fascism. Others still will contrive stories about voting patterns of this voting margin or that polling demographic. Ultimately, it is too early to say with any certainty whether or not these judgments are true, even if I–and many others–have strong suspicions regarding the failure of the Harris campaign.
Instead, I hope to report some successes in this election and to wishcast some favorable indicators of areas where the American public has voted in favor of policies largely in line with left populism. The electorate affirmed these policies that impact their material conditions, such as public education, healthcare, and protections for workers; areas which should be of key interest to those looking for either hope or a path forward in this new Trump presidency.
Public education is the first among these issues to feature a decisive turn towards public institutions. Here in the Bluegrass, Amendment 2 failed, preventing our commonwealth from sending treasury funds to private K-12 schools. In spite of fears about the public’s understanding of the amendment’s meaning, a nationwide push to privatize education, and support of the amendment coming from Republican party members in a strongly Republican state, Kentuckians still voted in favor of public education. Every county in Kentucky voted against the proposed amendment, and, save for a handful of counties around our state, votes swung heavily against the proposal. Kentuckians’ support for public education was won by a landslide.
Image via: NYT, https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2024/11/05/us/elections/results-kentucky-amendment-2-allow-state-funding-for-non-public-education.html
In Nebraska, voters repealed LB1402, a bill providing $10 million to transfer students from private to public schools. The referendum succeeded, with 57.1% of voters rejecting the use of Nebraska’s treasury to fund private education. To the west, in Colorado, voters rejected by a slimmer margin an amendment that would have codified school choice into the constitution of Colorado, only rejecting the amendment with 51.4% of votes.
All three states, two red and one blue, voted for public education. Clearly, something about public education resonates with voters, particularly those in rural areas, as election maps in Nebraska and Colorado show a wider margin of votes against education choice.
If not education, then the material woes of voters appear in the voting of another Midwest election. Missouri voted by a margin of 8% to raise the minimum wage in the state to $15 an hour, to adjust the minimum wage according to the Consumer Price Index starting in 2027, and to require employers statewide to provide paid sick leave hours. This, unequivocally, is a massive win for working people in Missouri, a state that voted for Republican candidates Donald Trump and Josh Hawley. Nebraska, a state that receives even less press compared to Missouri, passed Measure 436, requiring employers to provide paid sick leave for their employees. Further, the measure specified that employers cannot retaliate against workers who use their paid sick leave. This protection for workers’ rights passed by 74.3% in yet another Republican-dominated state, showing that a broadly left populist policy works.
Image via: NYT, https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2024/11/05/us/elections/results-nebraska-initiative-436-require-paid-sick-leave.html
In a number of other states, another key issue was on the ballot. Re-litigating the issue of abortion is far too wide and too complex an issue to tackle in a paragraph, so to suffice for this piece, lack of access to abortions means medical bills, childcare, and a whole host of other costs. In a country where most working women cannot make rent or pay for their healthcare, restricting (and banning) abortion becomes, in part, a material issue for working families.
Luckily, the right to an abortion succeeded in Montana, Colorado, Nevada, Arizona, Missouri, Maryland, and New York. In spite of electing Donald Trump in Nevada, Missouri, Montana, and likely in Arizona, abortion rights were upheld by voters in the states. In Florida, a majority of voters affirmed the right to abortion. Still, the amendment failed due to an obstructionist law passed by Florida in 2006 requiring amendments to garner 60% of the vote rather than the simple majority in most states.
In Nebraska, although a 12-week ban was passed, women still retain the right to abortion in the first trimester. Of course, experts in states like Louisiana, where a similar abortion protocol succeeded, argue that this restriction complicates healthcare for both the women and the fetus, with many OB-GYNs refusing to provide prenatal care until after the period when a woman could receive an abortion. The only state to ban abortion by a considerable margin was South Dakota, voting to entirely ban abortion, except in cases regarding the survival of the mother, by 60%.
Again, like public education in Kentucky, minimum wage in Missouri, and paid sick leave in Nebraska, there are indicators of progressive policy’s popularity and success with most Americans. Even hardened anti-populist liberals like David Brooks, who in 2020 published a scathing opinion column on the Sanders campaign, have softened to the idea that the electorate responds to left populist policies–though he attributes this change to the ‘diploma divide’ instead of class politics.
The mixed results of this election’s down-ballot state amendments, propositions, and measures fall in line with the polling of Americans on the issue of abortion. Pew Research shows the support of abortion in 2024 at 63%–a percentage that has shown an upward trajectory since 2009. In most other areas, some polling suggests very high support for progressive policies regarding the expansion and rights of healthcare, support for higher minimum wages, and more government support for education. This election’s down-ballot successes, though only a small sample of all the issues at hand, demonstrate the hope that progressive policies, championed by Democratic governors in red states, win over normal people. Moreover, it gives the impression that working people across the country yearn for policies that help them pay for groceries, cover their medical bills, send their children to school, and keep them housed.
“Lexington, Ky: Segregated By Design” An Academic Presentation
On Thursday November 14th, from five to seven, Transylvania’s Student Government Association and Diversity, Equity and Inclusion department hosted an academic presentation, “Lexington, Ky: Segregated by Design.” This was presented by researchers Rona Roberts and Barbara Sutherland, who have lived in Lexington for the past 50 years. Roberts is a writer and organization development advisor while Sutherland is a retired city employee and librarian. The two lifelong friends decided to start researching how systematic racism impacted the Lexington community during the summer of 2020. Their presentation described the specific history of Lexington’s residential segregation and how the repercussions are still in effect today. Their research shows that issues today such as the Black-White wealth gap, unequal homeownership opportunities, and everyday inequalities all have a connection to unjust residential segregation. Roberts and Sutherland referenced Richard Rothstein’s The Color of Law and asked themselves if redlining, realtor steering, planning and zoning practices, urban renewal, and racially restrictive deed covenants applied to neighborhoods here in Lexington.
By researching documents in the Fayette County Deed Book, they found racially restrictive covenants from the late 1800s to 1948. These covenants created White-only neighborhoods and restricted the race of individuals who could legally own, rent, or live on a given property. Their research showed specific neighborhoods in Lexington with restrictive covenants such as Goodrich Avenue, Liberty Heights Subdivision, and the Beechland Subdivision, which later became part of Kenwick. Looking at how these covenants affect us now, Sutherland and Roberts spoke about how Black families had fewer housing opportunities. The lack of building equity compared to White families who were able to buy deed-restricted homes up to 1948 and those homes continued to build equity.
Roberts and Sutherland also discussed how redlining impacted Lexington communities. The main factor for redlining was the Federal Housing Administration and how race was used to limit the ability to receive a home loan in certain neighborhoods. Their research shows that in 1948, subdivisions began to expand, but Black families only had access to 225 plots out of the 15,546 platted. Today, we are able to see the lasting impacts of redlining by examining generational wealth. Research presents how there is a large wealth gap today, with Black households earning 16 cents for every dollar earned by White households.
Lexington’s planning and zoning did a poor job of protecting neighborhoods equally, especially for Black and low-income families. Research shows that zoning created unhealthy uses of post-Civil War settlements and reduced equity and inclusion in Lexington neighborhoods. They also discussed how Black families were severely affected by realtor steering which was shown to be required in the Realtors’ National Ethics Code. Roberts and Sutherland elaborated on how the Fair Housing Act made racial steering illegal in 1968, and in 2020, the National Association of Realtors apologized for their past. Their research shows that progress has been made with the NAACP and Fair Housing Council, but there are still long-term impacts of realtor steering. Research today shows that there is still ongoing segregation and a large gap in homeownership with 60% of White households and 34% of Black households.
Their research as of now concludes that Lexington was segregated by design. Roberts and Sutherland emphasize how segregation impacts our communities today. This presentation was to show their work thus far, as they will be continuing to investigate restrictive deeds for the Lexington Community. If you have any interest in this volunteering or inquiring about restrictive deed research, please contact Barbara Sutherland at aldenruths@gmail.com.